The local setting

It was therefore evident that the Albanian mafia ends setting up in the Verviers zone.

Our aim is to explain by what means this organized crime sets up shop, and how this installation presents, if not a model, at least a whole set of stereotyped operations that can be transposable and already transposed into other urban centres.

1° Arrival of the Albanian mafiosi


The first phase establishes a bridge between the nearest big city (in this case Liège) and the zone to be conquered.

So we see arriving from Liège, or directly to Verviers, a few candidates for political asile, supposedly Kosovares in 1998-1999.
These people, of which nobody has yet any knowledge, set up in overpopulated furnished accommodations in the under-privileged sectors of Verviers, let by unscrupulous landlords (often Turks).

Some of those guys set up also with compatriots already settled (at the start of the nineties).

Early year 2000, those Albanian gangsters are spotted for robberies committed across the whole of the District: mostly homejacking following the Romanian modus operandi. The bounty is made of by the mob's easily traded goods: money, bank checks, credit cards and also cars (using the keys found in the visited homes).
Early year 2001, the first suspects are condemned for over 120 thefts. At that time, one can see that the local Albanian criminals are directed by bosses coming from Liège; Antwerp and Namur. It is evident that most of them have "worked" to pay an immigration debt to the organized mob.

2° Setting up


Rapidly released from jail, most of them, especially those selected by the organization, look for better settlement.

It consists to find a way, legal or not, to stay in Belgium. Some find work (to cover other activities) and settle with their family. Others, bachelors, prospect the dancing halls of the region, searching for women (middle aged or divorcees) seducing them and ending cohabitating with them.

Not having a priori the same community spirit as the other migrants, willing to live in the middle of the locals, the Albanians don't form a "ghetto" easily located. They live dispersed in the city of Verviers, some in the District or in the German's speaking region nearby.

Those Mafiosi have a need for a meeting place, with some cultural excuses, but mostly permitting the criminal cell to have a structure and a place to prepare their criminal actions.

In Verviers, two Albanians, already known by the Justice, set up, end 2001, a bar in the centre of the city. This bar becomes rapidly the headquarters of all the identified suspects who visit almost daily this location.

To be noted in other Districts, such a headquarters is set up behind a cultural, Albanian or Kosovar, association.

3° Penetration of the local mob and partnerships


As any criminal entity which seeks structure and installation, the group, still blurred, must be recognized by the local criminals. To this end, it seeks and utilizes the small local thugs who punctually patronize the Albanian cafe.


These local thugs commit a number of small petty crimes (thefts, receiving stolen goods) or also create incidents in the establishment racketeered by our Albanian suspects.
As in a "Billard Club" in the city centre Albanian thugs police the place, the owner loosing its choice of staff and patrons.


Facing more sophisticated local criminals, our suspects prefer partnerships ensuring them the calm needed for their development. Those local partnerships concern the mafias of "Maghreb" or "Greece". The activities of these partnerships are drug trafficking, the THB, the co-management of establishments, notably in July 2002 a Greek trafficker bought back the Albanian HQ-cafe.


Common also between the Albanian and the local mafia is the game (known as "Barboute") in which they invest the most part of their criminal revenues. Many contacts are made thru this activity and a number of crimes seem to be the consequence of game debts that are reimbursed by the resulting profits.


4° Development and diversification of the criminal activities

Initially homejacking was the primary activity of our group of Albanians. This activity along with the activities related to the setting up (racket, clandestine games) will diversify.


Real criminal organization in being, its members will revert to the classical Albanian mafia activities. Therefore the central core of the group, benefiting (as seen later on) from numerous connections in their country in Belgium and other countries, develops its business in prostitution, THB, arms and stolen cars trafficking.


5° The criminal organization, a natural finality


Ingrained in the District, benefiting of a range of profitable criminal activities, the group slowly and quasi fatally must structure to make pay and also endure.

 

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